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Kyrgyzstan|opinion & analysis|May 20, 2015 / 02:34 PM
Despite 192 political parties registered in Kyrgyzstan, they're weakly institutionalized – NISS

AKIPRESS.COM - Process of formation and development for democratic institutions, first of all political parties, multi-party formation determine today’s content of social life of Kyrgyzstan. Current party status quo has rather rich history and none the less diverting prehistory. Birth and maturing of multi-party system in Kyrgyzstan is interesting from the point of view of stages of formation, according to a study published by the National Institute for Strategic Studies (NISS).

Political parties of Kyrgyzstan: genesis, basis, prospects

By Bermet Imanaliyeva, research fellow of NISS

After the breakup of soviet one-party system in 1991-1993, basics of free elections and multi-party system are formed in the Constitution of Kyrgyzstan. The law on civil organizations was passed in 1991 and the law on political parties – in 1999. Latter law is quite liberal and it allows creation of political party under initiative of 10 persons.

Since that moment, organization of legislative body was initiated, political parties are creating and they are actively involved to election processes. Since 2000, conditions are provided for participation of political parties in formation of the parliament by majority system. Since 2007, political parties are forming parliament in full by proportional system.

With approval of the new 2010 Constitution after April events took place, the country has passed to parliamentary-presidential form of government. The new Constitution consolidated proportional election system of MPs of Parliament, which is, in our opinion, contributed to development of political parties.

All of those led to that today's party space is occupied by 192 (1) registered political parties, which are always in the processes of transformation, unification and absorption, reorganization or disintegration. These are causes of weak party system.

Despite major part of 192 registered parties in Kyrgyzstan is weakly institutionalized, don’t protect people’s interests, and are not bearers of ideological values, there are some parties differing with their organizational structure, ideological orientation and activities.

Feature of party formation process in Kyrgyzstan

The feature of parliamentarianism development in Kyrgyzstan is that party system develops on the basics of patronage networks, where business interests and “regional identity” are inside them.

“Patronage networks – community of people, their relations are based on financial interests. Informal character of communications prevails in their interrelations. During the governing a state, actors of similar networks provide security for each other during implementation of illegal political, financial operations. Social fabric of patronage networks is heterogeneous and goes beyond the scope of kinship ties.” (2)

Parties function on the basis of informal communications and patronage networks, where patron is some public officer, who has access to state resources. Main goal of political parties is active struggle for access to resources through use of patronage networks. All of these are obvious on “party strategies” in parliament.

Forms of financing of some political parties also indicate presence of patronage networks. According to interviews with representatives of political parties, it became clear that almost all parties participated in survey, noted that according to their charter documents, they accept 'membership fees', but they weren’t able to specify the amount and regulations of this process.

Thus, Altynbek Sulaimanov, Respublika faction leader replied: “We don’t raise membership fees as earlier. But some MPs and some members of factions contribute some amounts of money to our fund.” (3) Member of Ata-Meken party also noted financing is based on willing help. (4)

According to survey, it became clear budgets of political parties are confidential; access to this information has hidden character. According to Chynybai Tursunbekov, SDPK faction leader, the cause is: “Firstly, if we inspect those who openly finance parties, questions might arise. Secondly, some sponsors are afraid to openly donate money. Our government doesn’t finance parties as in other countries. That is why budgets of our parties are always hidden.” (5)

Moreover, the presence of this network supported by local élite groups is one of important success factors in elections in Kyrgyzstan. This network has to include representatives of various areas (business, media, culture, science, etc.), which will be involved to the election process.

Analysis of party lists in 2010 by representatives of all regions of Kyrgyzstan confirmed the use of this approach in forming of party lists. The most successful parties included candidates, who has well-ordered business as well as former officials. Regionalism in party system shows itself through regional and “fellow-countryman” signs. Social mobilization on this ground still plays significant role in all levels.

Also, parties in Kyrgyzstan are created on personality cult or 'cult of fuehrer'. They don’t protect interests of their electorate, because they exist separately of them, united around leader and aimed to serve only themselves interests.

In our opinion, parties based on the 'personality cult' principle, in most cases are not carriers of ideological values, their politics has multidirectional character connected with absence of strategy, and basically they are created the day before regular elections.

According to analysis, these trends have impacted on elections of 2007, which were based on majority voted system. In experts’ judgment, majority system has intensified regionalism and competition of personalities, not teams or ideologies. Also, conducted field study (experts’ interviews and survey) revealed the following contradictions and defects of party formation in Kyrgyzstan:

- many of regional leaders of political parties don’t know exact amount of party members;

- not all parties adopted party-membership card system;

- almost all events of parties take place at the expense of sponsors’, leaders’, supporters’ donations. Membership fees system is still in formation process;

- some regional leaders have noted that any party member can be a member of several parties. The question on inspecting among party members was arisen;

- people join one or another party generally on the basis of momentary interests and party leaders. Ideological, program base of parties are not essential for people;

- many of regional leaders of political parties are not familiar with charter, program and structure of their party.

Political parties’ running for local keneshs (councils)

For the purpose of identify parties on 'organizational structure' criterion, i.e. are they mass or cadre parties, political parties running for town (city) councils was analyzed.

Materials of the Central Election Commission reflecting results for elections of town (city) council members in 2012 with participation of political parties of Kyrgyzstan are one of important research results. Party formation in Kyrgyzstan has very specific nature. On the one hand, there are parties, which have longer term of working with certain experience in elections than new established ones. They have places in parliament and develop progressively in political arena (SDPK, Ata-Meken). On the other hand, new parties are arising and developing only within some region and are supported only in defined areas. These parties are operating inside their regions and don’t enter the large political arena.

table1

Table 1. Results of elections for town (city) councils in 2012 (6)

Elections of members for town (city) councils were held on proportional system, and only political parties had right to nominate candidates. We see in table only three political parties: Ata-Meken, Respublika and SDPK are represented in all local municipal councils. Ar-Namys political party participated and obtained mandates only in Issyk-Kul, Chui and Osh regions. It is obvious that non-participation in elections in Talas, Jalal-Abad, Batken and Naryn regions indicates party is not represented in these regions, i.e. regional cells are not well-developed or the party has total lack of support by local electorate.

Same picture is observed on Ata-Jurt political party. This party didn’t participate and doesn’t have mandates in local town councils of Issyk-Kul, Chui, Talas and Naryn regions, which are represent the northern part of the country. It is notable that Ata-Jurt participated in elections in Osh region but didn’t get enough votes.

It is interesting that other political parties also earned votes and there is specific distribution of mandates by regions. For instance, some parties have won in the northern part of the country: Issyk-Kul, Chui, Talas and Naryn regions, and other parties have won in the south: Jalal-Abad, Osh and Batken regions. Thus, parties of Ak-Shumkar, Meken Yntymagy and 7 Aprel Jashtar Kyimyly have received mandates in northern regions. Parties of Butun Kyrgyzstan, Onuguu, and Communist Party of Kyrgyzstan are represented in local town councils in southern regions. Party of Zamandash has its members in local town councils of all seven regions.

According to Zakir Chotaev (7), virtually all parties have brief working experience, low level of representation at all regions of the country, underdevelopment of regional branches. That speaks about weakness of political parties.

Thus, for instance, last elections for local (municipal) councils displayed the lack of regional representation of two parties: Ar-Namys – in four regions of four and Ata-Jurt, in five regions. These facts speak about low representation of both of these parties and poor preparation to elections for parliament in 2015.

table2

Infographics prepared by Asel Doolotkeldiyeva, research fellow of NISS (On the roll: Ar-Namys; Ata-Jurt; Ata-Meken; Respublika; SDPK)

But at the same time, possession of mandates in local councils doesn’t point to possible success in forthcoming parliamentary elections. For instance, Respublika is represented in all local (municipal) councils, but things inside of faction of Respulika in Parliament have reached a crisis point. It is based on opposing views of party leader Omurbek Babanov and faction leader Altynbek Sulaimanov. Obviously, this situation won’t be able to play positive effect during the race for places at parliament.

Moreover, the trend of development of new regional parties is observed, as well as consolidation of positions old parties, which are more popular in southern part of Kyrgyzstan (Butun Kyrgyzstan and Communist Party of Kyrgyzstan).

Presence of electorate of political parties on Bishkek example

In 2012, elections for local (municipal) councils took place all across the country. Participation in elections for local (municipal) councils is a kind of training for long-distance running. Results of these elections might say about readiness of parties for participation to parliamentary election, i.e. it is presence of electorate, resources and teamwork of party organization itself.

Survey was carried out in Bishkek in order to know what parties are recognizable amongst population, whether is population familiar with their programs. 1,500 respondents were asked during the pre-election campaign for local municipal councils. Questionnaires included questions on participant parties, their popularity and activity.

Chart 1. What party would you vote for?

 table3

From left to right: SDPK; Respublika; Ata-Meken; Ar-Namys; Ak-Shumkar; Zamandash; Adilettuu Kyrgyzstan; Ata-Jurt; My; I don't know

According to the survey, it became clear that 93.3% of Bishkek population will go to elections. 33.6% of respondents would give their votes for SDPK, 31.4% for Respublika. Ata-Meken is third popular party, it earned 13% of votes. Ar-Namys has surprised us, because it earned only 2.5% of votes, despite Russian-speaking population mainly resides in Bishkek. This party traditionally addressed to this part of community. Ata-Jurt gathered lowest percent, only 0.8% of Bishkek residents would give their votes for this party.

Chart 2. Comparative intensity of electioneering

table4  

From left to right: SDPK; Respublika; Ata-Meken; Ar-Namys; Ak-Shumkar; Zamandash; Adilettuu Kyrgyzstan; Ata-Jurt; My; I don't know

According to results of questioning about parties’ activity during election campaign period, Respublika had most intensive and bright campaign. SDPK and Ata-Meken followed Respublika. Results shows us these three parties obtained sufficient financial and human resources for holding campaign and had very strong hunger to find themselves in Bishkek city council. This case is proof of there are parties with their electorate. Thus, there are experienced parties like SDPK and Ata-Meken, which can be considered as mass parties by their organizational structure.

Among parties of that period or cohort, Ar-Namys, is not so popular in all regions and has traits of cadre party, quite the contrary displayed poor performance. It speaks that activities of this party are on a low level. Another fact of interest is Respublika, which might be considered as cadre party of Ar-Namys, has earned large portion of votes, but this party is operating only 2 years for that time. Cause of success might be financial and human resources, as well as use of new informational-communicational technologies, which have evident advantage.

Intraparty conflicts as degree of institutionalization

Study of political elite in party lists, as well as examination of splits and conflicts inside of political parties demonstrate us degree of institutionalization of parties is supposedly low. For today, in Kyrgyzstan, intraparty crises are observed in political parties holding power, like Ata-Jurt, Ar-Namys, Respublika.

Respublika

Split in the party is arisen as a result of discontent of certain members of party concerning management issues of the organization. Thus, contradictions are appeared between party leader and faction leader concerning organizational structure of the party. So, at the moment of creation of the party, there was an arrangement about adoption of co-chairmanship institution working on principle '7 regions will be represented by 7 chairmen'. (8) But at the moment co-chairmanship institution is not adopted, Bakyt Torobayev, Kanat Isayev, Altynbek Sulaimanov and other MPs were going to withdraw the party. According to opinion of doctor Azamat Temirkulov, split took place due to patronage network.

Ata-Jurt

Internal differences of Ata-Jurt have occurred as a result of divergence of positions between main representatives of party faction on the issue of joining majority coalition. One of party leaders (Marat Sultanov) opposed this idea. (9) Second weighty reason of split, in our opinion is distribution of mandates amongst representatives of south and north. Interests of southerners openly were lobbied and major part of mandates was given to them. Major reason is ex-MPs Kamchybek Tashiyev – party president, Sadyr Japarov – faction leader, Talant Mamytov – vice-speaker of parliament were unseated from parliament because of their participation to unrests at rally on October 3, 2012. Owing to this they were automatically deprived of right to run for membership in parliament.

Ar-Namys

Intraparty conflict of Ar-Namys took place as long ago as in 2011, when 15 of 25 MPs of parliamentary faction made a decision to expel Feliks Kulov (party leader) from faction and elect Kamila Taliyeva as leader, linking their decision to his illegitimate actions about calling extraordinary congress, expelling a number of MPs from party and distortion of facts. But this decision was canceled by political council on extraordinary congress of party, which was considered as creation of group inside of faction and might lead to break-up of party. (10)

In 2014, split in faction took place again because of candidacy for Prime Minister’s post. Faction members divided into two camps, one part of MPs supported Feliks Kulov’s, second part – Anarbek Kalmatov’s side. According to expert in politics Marat Kazakpayev, split inside the party is taking place generally because of inability to come to an agreement in struggle for administrative resources. Moreover, bitter intraparty conflict occurred “due to extremely unclear policy pursued by party leader himself, Feliks Kulov. (11) He is neither on the side of opposition, as Ata-Meken, nor with coalition, as other factions (author’s note: on 2011 situation). Naturally, sooner or later it had to make Ar-Namys members angry. They wanted to know – actually, where Kulov is going to lead them? (12) One more factor with negative influence for climate inside the party is divergence of made statements by party leader on presence of strong economic agenda with reality.

Parties in Kyrgyzstan are created by elite groups on principles of 'horizontal integration', when according to Panebyanko theory, new members, mainly representatives of elite segment are able to join parties in any time. Existing crisis in Kyrgyzstani parties is evidence of party weakness, low level of their institutionalization.

Besides that, intraparty crisis speaks about:

- presence of various groups divided by their interests;

- weak internal discipline;

- domination or outright lobbying of personal interests and party leaders;

- active struggle for access for power resources;

- intraregional party conflicts.

Thus, arisen crisis in parties at parliament has led to secession of some leaders from their parties and creation of new parties which are aimed to work in regions. Party of Onuguu-Progress was founded in February of 2012, its leader is MP Bakyt Torobayev, registered through Respublika party’s list in 2010. It has to be noted this party is in town councils of Jalal-Abad and Osh regions. Moreover, one more MP from Respublika party – Altynbek Sulaimanov became a head of Bir Bol party, founded in February of 2014.

According to Duverger’s Law, cadre parties are more liable to these processes, because such parties are seeking not growth of their own number, but to unification of elite groups, which might have impact upon voters. Thereafter, the risk of separation of political elite groups inside party by interests is also high; it invariably leads to breakup of party.

Conclusion

There are a lot of criteria causing classification of parties by various typologies. But today, there is a problem of use different criteria leads to conceptual imbalances. (13)

Attempts on party classification in Kyrgyzstan frequently were based on criteria with changeability character. For instance, party classification on criterion of belonging to power – 'parties at the helm', 'opposition parties', etc., can be urgent only for current moment. So, use of this criterion is insufficient for identification of sustainable, well-established parties and their features in Kyrgyzstan.

Ranging analysis of parties with use of two criteria (organizational structure and ideological orientation of parties) has determined reference directions of formation of political parties at the Parliament. Particularly, it became possible to determine basic principles of party membership during implementation of the ranging analysis. Besides that this analysis allowed to answer a question about how Kyrgyzstani parties are merged: on business, regional or ideological interests bases.

Above-mentioned analysis lets us classify political parties of Kyrgyzstan by following criteria:

* ideological criterion

- doctrine-based parties – their activities are based on neatly shaped ideology and protection of ideological purity. Following parties can be included to this category: SDPK – social orientation; slogans: fair elections, anti-corruption drive;

- pragmatic parties – these parties are oriented not just to practicality, suitability of actions, but also to use of ideas, slogans, which are more attractive and urgent during election campaign (Respublika, Ata-Jurt, Ar-Namys);

- charismatic-fuehrer parties – members of these parties are united around not some idea, but around popular leader’s personality (Ata-Meken, Ar-Namys);

- nationalistic rhetoric-based – Ata-Jurt.

* organization structure

According to analysis results, in compliance with this criterion – organizational structure and party membership character – there are mass and cadre parties in Kyrgyzstan.

Mass parties are created beyond parliaments and recruit new members mainly from lower class: workers, farmers, religious groups. Usually mass parties are remarkable for their left-winger orientation, high degree of ideologizing is characteristic feature of these parties, which is used for massive political mobilization; management of mass parties belongs to professional politicians, partial bureaucracy; party members are paying membership fees as well as actively participate in party activities.

Parties of SDPK, Ata-Meken, as well as non-parliamentary Zamandash are in this category.

Mass parties are created after introduction of universal suffrage. They are new type parties, with massive character, oriented to political education of masses and formation of elite groups from common people. Primary organizations of parties are built on territorial, as well as industrial principle. But as distinct from committees, they are open for new members. Moreover, primary organizations of mass parties are interested in reinforcement of their files. It is connected with party exists on the expense of membership fees.

Cadre parties reach their aims through selection of cadres from among authoritative political figures. Cadre parties are not crowded, they are shaped around group of political leaders, and political committee is a base of their organizational structure, easy membership and amorphous organizational structure are features of these parties.

According to analysis, political parties of Ata-Jurt, Ar-Namys and Respublika can be related cadre parties. Thus, in MP Marat Sultanov’s judgement, Ata-Jurt and Respublika are parties created in a moment, they achieved good results being without history. Ata-Jurt was oriented exactly for entering to parliament, so it selected people who have regional, political, financial influence.

Cadre parties in Kyrgyzstan are from democracy’s birth time, when suffrage was limited. In that exclusive political space, cadre parties served as means for expression of dominating classes’, first of all bourgeoisie’s political interests. Their activities were aimed for electoral victory. MPs are key players in cadre parties. They are unique leaders, oriented for electors’ votes, because party’s success and status is up to them.

* activity type (14)

- active parties: 12 parties registered in Ministry of Justice and Central Election Commission. Evaluation criteria: parties regularly participate in elections, have their members in local council and supreme parliament. Even if the party is not in parliament, it regularly makes statements about its positions on social-economic issues;

- passive parties: 31 parties registered in Ministry of Justice and Central Election Commission. Evaluation criteria: parties sometimes participate to elections, don’t have their members in local council and supreme parliament. Parties don’t make statements about its positions in social-economic issues. A segment of population from rural areas knows about existence of the party;

- registered parties: 147 parties registered in Ministry of Justice. Evaluation criteria: parties are registered in Ministry of Justice, don’t participate to elections, and don’t have members in local councils and supreme parliament. Parties don’t make statements about its positions in social-economic issues.

table5

Table 2. Basic common traits and differences of political parties in Kyrgyzstan

(1) List of political parties. Ministry of Justice of Kyrgyzstan. http://minjust.gov.kg/?page_id=6551

(2) Influence of clan relations on formation (deformation) of public management mechanisms. Report of National Institute for Strategic Studies, 2013

(3) Zairbek Myktybayev. How much money is in tills of parties? Azattyk Radio, 22 April 2013

(4) Interview with Ata-Meken’s representative. 20 February 2014, Bishkek

(5) Zairbek Myktybayev. How much money is in tills of parties? Azattyk Radio, 22 April 2013

(6) Results of five parties in parliament are reflected in table

(7) Zakir Chotayev, Parliamentary government in Kyrgyzstan: problems and prospects, Bishkek, 2012

(8) “Babanov ostanetsya odin?” [Babanov will be left alone?], Gezitter Org, 19 March 2013

(9) Azamat Tynayev “Kak nachinala razvalivatsya fraktsiya Ata-Jurt” [How did faction Ata-Jurt begin to collapse]

(10) “Feliks Kulov annuliroval reshenie 15 deputatov” [Feliks Kulov annuls decision of 15 MPs] http://m.gezitter.org/politic/4989_fkulov_annuliroval_reshenie_15_deputatov/

(11) Kirill Lutsyuk, What caused split of Ar-Namys? vesti.kg, 16 September 2011 http://www.vesti.kg/index.php?option=com_k2&view=item&id=7231:v-chem-prichina-raskola-fraktsii-ar-namyis?&Itemid=112

(12) Same source

(13) Gunter&Diamond, 2003

(14) B. Orunbekov’s classification, Candidate of political sciences of Kyrgyz-Turkish Manas University (2010-2011)

(15) Political elite is considered here, i.e. administrative-nomenclatural elite holding leading positions

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